Why is Merkel known affectionately as 'Auntie Mo' in China?

Former German Chancellor Angela Merkel enjoyed considerable popular appeal among Chinese, mainly attributable to two factors.

Firstly, Germany under Merkel pursued a relatively independent foreign policy in light of its national interests and the basic principles governing international relations. Its reluctance to closely keep in step with the United States was distinct from countries like the United Kingdom and Japan.

Secondly, she favorably impressed the Chinese on her visits as being down-to-earth with her readiness to rub shoulders with ordinary people.

She practiced diabolo, or Chinese yo-yo, in Beijing's Zhongshan Park, tasted kung pao chicken (diced chicken with paprika) and spicy hot pot dishes in a Chengdu food and grocery market, and she savored pork stewed with sauerkraut in Shenyang, though spicy hotpot seemed to be her favorite.

Reuters

This earthy attitude endeared her to the Chinese people, with some young Chinese netizens addressing her affectionately as "Auntie Mo (默大妈)."

This familiar style of address also betrays a simple Chinese world outlook. Chinese prefer to see global politics more through the prism of gossip and domestic chores, with this moral: Different countries should coexist peacefully as good neighbors, helping each other like family members, without belligerence and acrimony.

Such grassroots sentiments suffice for a review of Sino-German relations.

After almost two months of talks following the narrow victory of Germany's Social Democrats (SPD) over Merkel's CDU-CSU coalition, a deal has been made on forming a new "traffic-light coalition" government (the SPD, Greens and the liberal Free Democrats), the first three-party coalition government since WWII.

A review of Merkel's 16 years in government, in terms of Sino-German relations, suggests modest beginnings, and steadier and steadier growth. This review, by summing up past experiences, might lead to a brighter future in terms of Sino-German relations.

Reuters

In February 2006, when Merkel attended the Munich Security Conference in her capacity as chancellor soon after taking office in 2005, she expounded a tough stance on the new German government's foreign relations based on national interests and values. In light of this policy, the chancellor met the Dalai Lama at her office in 2007, triggering a diplomatic crisis between the two countries.

The early years of Merkel's government, with its insistence on value-oriented diplomacy, posed serious difficulties for substantial Sino-German cooperation. As far as German elites were concerned, their country's China policies had been oscillating for a long time, wildly, between values and pragmatism.

Merkel's Chinese policy incurred criticisms from home, with Frank-Walter Steinmeier, then minister of foreign affairs, critical of her human rights policy, suggesting that Germany should refrain from imposing its own values on other countries. There was even a sense of foreboding among German business of the arrival of the darkest era in Sino-German relations.

Given its status as a welfare state, with its dependence on trade, promoting prosperity and welfare has always been a critical factor in shaping Germany's foreign policies. And it could not really afford to give up the huge Chinese market.

For Germany, China's reform and opening-up represented hitherto unprecedented development opportunities. Thus, after experiencing the initial doldrums, Germany became more pragmatic in terms of its China policies, stressing common interest and common concerns, and bilateral relations entered a period of rapid development, as manifested in the following aspects.

Economic interdependence

Mutually beneficial economic cooperation has always been central to good Sino-German ties. In 2020 gross bilateral trade volume grew 3 percent year-on-year, to US$239.5 billion, making China Germany's biggest trade partner for five consecutive years. Since 2015, China has consistently been Germany's No. 1 exporter.

China and Germany have been joint stakeholders in a wide spectrum of business sectors ranging from auto making, machinery, electronics, food, and fast consumer goods, to durables, services, financial services and commerce.

In the years to come, the two countries could achieve further cooperation in emerging sectors, in climate and ecology, new energy, information technology, artificial intelligence, and health care. Toward the end of 2020, China and the EU, during German presidency of the European Council, concluded their negotiations in principle for the China-EU Comprehensive Agreement on Investment after seven years of negotiations.

Multi-pronged consultation

Although annual meetings between the two heads of government were launched in 2004, the mechanism was perfected under Merkel. During her first China visit in 2006, the two countries announced the creation of a strategic dialogue mechanism, followed by The Sino-German Joint Communique for Comprehensive Promotion of the Strategic Partnership announced during Merkel's China visit in 2010.

Sino-German Governmental Consultations involved talks between top officials from the two countries in their respective fields of economy, foreign affairs, science and technology, and culture. This mechanism, by involving all governmental departments, has always been a rare privilege reserved for select partners. Prior to the breakout of the pandemic, Chancellor Merkel had visited China 12 times, a record for any Western leader.

Comprehensive strategic partnership

In 2014, President Xi observed at a foreign affairs conference: "We should make more friends while honoring the principle of non-alliance, to expand our global network of partnerships." In the same year, during Xi's meeting with Merkel in Berlin, it was decided the relationship between the two countries should be further elevated to "comprehensive strategic partnership."

This statement's emphasis on comprehensiveness is unique, suggesting the two countries throw in their lot with each other through thick and thin.

Thus, subtle changes in Germany's China relations could be attributed, first of all, to its landmark achievements in the three aspects above, as the country attempted to rebalance during its constant contacts with China. But it could also be seen from Merkel's personal perspective, for the unstoppable rise of China had catalyzed some changes in her own mind.

CFP

Hence the need to explore Merkel's own impact on global politics and Sino-German relations from her philosophy and character as an individual, particularly given her pivotal role in shaping Germany's domestic and foreign policies.

First, Merkel's governance style, with its steadiness and long-term view, is at the heart of Germany's critical role on the world stage.

A physicist-turned-politician brought up and educated in the former East Germany, Merkel's unusual experience means she could bridge the East-West gap in ideology, and could be compatible with the rational logic of natural science and the perceptual sense of social history.

During her tenure, she successfully managed the schism in German-US relations brought about by the Iraq war, and became the undisputed European leader in tackling the debt and refugee crisis. In some hot button issues such as the Ukraine and Iran nuclear crisis, thanks to Merkel's role as an experienced mediator between big powers, Germany became a formidable force for peace on the world stage.

Merkel's willingness to listen to all parties and her cool-headed judgement and decisiveness, more typical of old style political elites, is a valuable legacy left to her successor and the whole world.

Second, Merkel's thirst to understand China is central to the evolving healthy interplay in Sino-German relations.

Merkel's vision of good China relations has been informed by her deepening understanding of the country. She once claimed her interests had shifted from physics and quantum chemistry to history, politics and society.

In 2014, on the occasion of her 60th birthday, Chinese history scholar Jürgen Osterhammel gave a lecture, at Merkel's invitation, on comparative historical politics in the global context. Merkel listened with rapt attention.

In November 2021, in an interview with Reuters, she stated her interest in unraveling the intricacies of social and historical development, particularly China's development over the past two millennia. Merkel's China travels, from north to south, testify to her curiosity about, and respect for, the country.

Her willingness to understand China is in marked contrast to other leaders in the West. And here lies her solution-oriented approach whenever difficulties crop up in bilateral ties.

Good Sino-German relations in the Merkel era were built on mutual benefits, but could be more attributed to her talent and how she feels about China.

The new German government comes into being at a critical time, when the next year witnesses the 50th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Germany. This milestone invests the termination of the Merkel era with special significance.

The author is a researcher at Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences and head of the Institute of International Relations. Wan Lixin translated the article.